They ought not to forget that they are fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those effects. By 1925, when Lukács wrote Tailism and the Dialectic, there were signs that the isolation of the Russian revolution was encouraging a new form of fatalism. The relationship between class consciousness and class situation is really very simple in the case of the proletariat, but the obstacles which prevent its consciousness being realised in practice are correspondingly greater. The outward victory of the proletariat can only be achieved if this antagonism is inwardly overcome. (Consider here the theory of the state that stands ‘above’ class antagonisms, or the notion of an ‘impartial’ system of justice.). Its impact remains superficial and the process of production above all in relation to labour, remains beyond its control. The structure of the economic elements of society remains untouched by the storm-clouds of the political sky.” , Yet another sector of society is – economically – completely parasitic. The tragedy of the bourgeoisie is reflected historically in the fact that even before it had defeated its predecessor, feudalism, its new enemy, the proletariat, had appeared on the scene. They ought, therefore, not to be exclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerilla fights . 165 and also 151, 373-6, 383, etc. At the same time, ‘however, when it comes to political questions they manage to persist in a completely utopian point of view. The chief reason for this is that the rule of the bourgeoisie can only be the rule of a minority. Cf. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, p. 12. With an admirable clarity of style, Jakubowski provides a summary of the main themes of Lukacs' History and Class Consciousness and Korschs' Marxism and Philosophy (Korsch was a personal friend of Jakubowski.) For their thought contains this very duality of social process and the consciousness of it. Of course bourgeois historians also attempt such concrete analyses; indeed they reproach historical materialists with violating the concrete uniqueness of historical events. 46.  In accordance with the looser economic structure of society, the political and legal institutions (here the division into estates, privileges, etc.  Regarded abstractly and formally, then, class consciousness implies a class-conditioned unconsciousness of ones own socio-historical and economic condition. ), have different functions objectively and subjectively from those exercised under capitalism. A greater measure of concentration was achieved first in the stock companies and in the cartels and trusts. (As a strange counterpart to this we may note that at just this point in time certain sectors of the proletariat capitulate before the bourgeoisie and adopt this, the most problematic form of bourgeois organisation.). Capital III, pp. their immediate, national or professional interests) and as something alien to their ‘genuine’ class consciousness (i.e. For to eliminate the objectivity attributed both to social institutions inimical to man and to their historical evolution means the restoration of this objectivity to their underlying basis, to the relations between men; it does not involve the elimination of laws and objectivity independent of the will of man and in particular the wills and thoughts of individual men. But the fact that this conflict became possible points forward to the dialectical contradictions and the internal dissolution of pure class society. Class consciousness, as described by Georg Lukács's famous History and Class Consciousness (1923), is opposed to any psychological conception of consciousness, which forms the basis of individual or mass psychology (see Freud or, before him, Gustave Le Bon).According to Lukács, each social class has a determined class consciousness which it can achieve. This probably explains the politically reactionary role played by merchants’ capital as opposed to industrial capital in the beginnings of capitalism. As Marx says, it must become a class not only “as against capital” but also “for itself”;  that is to say, the class struggle must be raised from the level of economic necessity to the level of conscious aim and effective class consciousness. A like phenomenon can be observed under capitalism in the case of all ‘privileged’ groups whose class situation lacks any immediate economic base. It does not need to be emphasised that there is no question here of a mechanical duality. This syndrome must make its appearance even more blatantly where it is not yet possible to see society ;is a whole. We must discover, in short, the practical, historical function of class consciousness. And the detailed analysis of the process by which capital is concretely realised shows in every single instance that the interest of the capitalist (who produces not goods but commodities) is necessarily confined to matters that must be peripheral in terms of production. In the first case it ceases to be possible to understand the origin of social institutions. transforming its privileges into economic and capitalist forms of control (as was the case with the great landowners). The dialectical contradiction between necessary proletarian action and vulgar Marxist (bourgeois) theory becomes more and more acute. It does not work itself out as a purely objective process quite apart from all (imputed) consciousness – as was the case with all classes hitherto. It is sufficient here to recall the social criticism of the Utopians or the proletarian and revolutionary extension of Ricardo’s theory. As long as this consciousness is lacking, the crisis remains permanent, it goes back to its starting-point, repeats the cycle until after infinite sufferings and terrible detours the school of history completes the education of the proletariat and confers upon it the leadership of mankind. The Poverty of Philosophy, p. 197. Letters and extracts from letters to F. A. Sorge and others, p. 42, etc. But it becomes obscured as soon as it is called upon to face problems that remain within its jurisdiction but which point beyond the limits of capitalism. This explains why it is possible for peasant conflicts to be fought out under opposing flags. This mode of existence is inhumanity and reification. As early as the Correspondence of 1843 [with Ruge] he conceives of consciousness as immanent in history. The whole structure of evolution in Engels’ Origin of the Family is based on this idea.  Of course, it is true that stock companies differ only in inessentials from individual capitalists and even the so-called abolition of the anarchy in production through cartels and trusts only shifts the contradiction elsewhere, without, however, eliminating it.
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