2wg Healing Sound　

This approach reflects a tradition in sociology that dates back to Duncan’s (1968) classic paper examining the extent to which the economic and educational disadvantages of the current generation of blacks can be explained by the economic and educational disadvantages of their parents. Thus, feedback effects may yield negative consequences for black workers who work less because of the lower rewards to work and who subsequently earn less over time. Age and cumulative advantage/disadvantage theory have obvious logical, theoretical, and empirical connections, because both are inherently and irreducibly related to the passage of time. Even so, an interesting aspect of the findings is that cumulative disadvantages exist in those countries that employed universalization policies for decades and continue to allocate a large portion of their national income to education spending (i.e., Bolivia, Mexico, and Peru), as well as in those countries that have only recently taken steps in this direction (i.e., Senegal and Sierra Leone). Despite the remarkable resilience of these intracohort patterns of inequality reproduction, however, the relation of CAD to social change is centrally important. Yet even looking at sequential events over time within a single domain may require extensive longitudinal data on the interactions and activities of an individual. To the extent that the assumption of the heterogeneity of older persons relied on cross-sectional comparisons of individuals of different ages in the present, it was vulnerable to risk of a “life-course fallacy” (Riley et al., 1972)—an artifact of cross-sectional impressions about lifelong processes of individual and cohort aging. In this chapter, we observe that important effects of prior discrimination may be missed with these methods. Despite such connections, these two ideas—heterogeneity and inequality—developed as largely separate topics within gerontological discourse, and I review them separately here. The Cumulative Advantage Model. First, there is a need for better theoretical work on how to conceptualize the dynamic and time-dependent effects of cumulative discrimination. With the near-simultaneous publication of that volume and other articles (Dannefer & Sell, 1988; Rowe & Kahn, 1987), the literature devoted to the age–heterogeneity relation began to cumulate, and existing evidence was marshaled to address the question, providing considerable evidence for increasing inequality and variability with increasing age. Of course, to prove or disprove the importance of cumulative effects, there is a need for research that credibly measures the presence or absence of such effects. Therefore, studying the cumulative effects of discrimination requires the collection of longitudinal data that provide repeated measures for the same individual over time. note that the vocabu-. At the individual level, he emphasized the injustice of CAD from the vantage point of individual scientists—benefiting some individuals well beyond the value of their contributions while ignoring or minimizing the equally meritorious contributions of others. This week you read about the theory of cumulative disadvantage, which highlights the influence of earlier life experiences on the quality of life in old age as well as the (changing) experience of retirement. Hence, any discussion of cumulative discrimination will move us to closer consideration of the institutional and social processes through which disadvantage is transmitted. Cumulative disadvantage theory provides the framework for this analysis and helps to. 1. This article reviews the genesis of the cumulative advantage/disadvantage perspective in studies of science, its initial articulation with structural-functionalism, and its expanding importance for gerontology. The middle classes and the overall populations of societies with less social inequality have better health than those societies, such as the United States, in which income inequality is great (Kawachi et al., 1999; Wilkinson, 1999; cf. Age and cumulative advantage/disadvantage theory have obvious logical, theoretical, and empirical connections, because both are inherently and irreducibly related to the passage of time. In controlling for these past events, one is typically unable to identify how much of any past outcome is due to discrimination and hence how much past discrimination may be affecting current outcomes. As discussed in Chapter 8, however, longitudinal data are essential for capturing cumulative effects over time for the same individuals. The continuing popularity of accentuation as an explanatory principle is well illustrated by recent controversy around the claim that longevity is a function of intelligence, with intelligence assumed to be a fixed and largely innate characteristic with substantial interindividual differences (Deary, 2000; Gottfredson, 2002; Holden, 2003). Although theories of cumulative disadvantage exist in criminology, they are seldom adapted to account for treatment in the criminal justice system. The coefficients on education are interpreted as the return to human capital (skill levels) in the labor market. In sum, an intracohort pattern of “fanning out” (Dannefer, 1998a; Ehrenberg & Smith, 1994; Hagestad, 1998) is an expectation that, at least with respect to earnings, human capital theory and CAD theory fully share. That gap is, however, at least consistent with the possibility of cumulative discriminatory effects within the education system, although it provides no direct evidence of discrimination in the schools per se. 1. the cumulative effects of discriminatory events or to determine the extent to which past discrimination causes present disadvantage, the large and continuing racial disparities in the United States are at least consistent with the possibility that cumulative discrimination is important. Krieger (1999) notes a variety of problems with the use of self-reports on past discrimination in the health literature. It is not obvious how one would identify and trace the causal factors involved through actual longitudinal data. For example, slavery or racial exclusion of certain groups in the past that limited occupational earnings may have negatively affected wealth accumulation for future generations among these groups (Sacerdote, 2002). What actual evidence existed concerning the relationship of variability and age? Cite this Concepts of cumulative advantage and disadvantage Essay Krieger (1999), in particular, offers some ways to study exposure to discrimination and its effects on health outcomes. As noted earlier, several analyses have found support for CAD by documenting that intracohort income inequality appears to increase systematically with age in the United States (Crystal & Waehrer, 1996; Dannefer & Sell, 1988; O'Rand, 1996) and elsewhere (Disney & Whitehouse, 2003; O'Rand & Henretta, 1999). Discrimination in one domain may also affect outcomes in other domains. Thus, factors, including discrimination faced by parents, that limit parental income may lead to lower achievement by their children. high school, probably contribute to black–white differences in educational achievement. Robert Hauser (University of Wisconsin-Madison, personal communication) suggests collecting larger sets of observations using direct tests of discriminatory behavior in well-defined settings. The model is complex, with a host of variables that are difficult to measure. Hence, this section is much less a review of how to measure cumulative discrimination than a set of ideas about how one might think about measuring cumulative discrimination. CUMULATIVE DISADVANTAGE AND LIFE COURSE INEQUALITY. Even single instances of discrimination at a key decision point can have long-term cumulative effects. lary scores of black 6-year-olds match those of white 5-year-olds. A number of scholars have attempted to explain disproportionality within the juvenile justice system as a function of cumulative disadvantage. We briefly elaborate on the concept of cumulative discrimination and how it relates to other concepts and measures, making four main points. According to Aging & Socioeconomic Status (n.d.), one of the economic and health […] Address correspondence to Dale Dannefer, Warner Graduate School of Education and Human Development, University of Rochester, Dewey Hall 1-210, Rochester, NY 14627. The concept of cumulative advantage/disadvantage (CAD) resonates with popular folk sayings such as “success breeds success” (e.g., Huber, 1998) and “the rich get richer; the poor get poorer” (Entwisle, Alexander, & Olson, 2001), but it goes beyond them: it explicates how the tendencies often occur independent of merit (Merton, 1968, 1988) and, in some cases, with mathematical precision (Egghe & Rousseau, 1995). Robert Merton (1988) has described cumulative advantage as dealing with “the ways in which initial comparative advantage of trained capacity, structural location, and available resources make for successive increments of advantage such that the gaps between the haves and the have-nots … widen” (p. 606). However, the CAD perspective shows that dynamics of social reproduction, in both microprocesses and in allocation mechanisms, operate with age and life-course processes as irreducible elements in their own dynamics. (2001) conducted a laboratory experiment in which they manipulated the saliency of stereotype threat (i.e., the threat of being perceived stereotypically) for black participants. Such entry-level racial differences have cumulative effects over time as a result of differential returns to experience. “Systemic tendency” indicates that divergence is not a simple extrapolation from the members' respective positions at the point of origin; it results from the interaction of a complex of forces. For example, there may be some situations—such as being a woman in an almost-all-male occupation or being a black man in an almost-all-white-male occupation—that put one at greater risk of experiencing discrimination. In part, earnings differentials by sex or race may be explained by differences in human capital; however, discrimination may also play a role. Although evidence of the impact of parental income on child outcomes is mixed, recent work suggests that parental income may be particularly important for younger children in low-income families (see Duncan and Magnuson, 2002, for a summary). Evidence supporting CAD as a systemic feature of cohort aging has been provided through several independent analyses of both resource (Dannefer & Sell, 1988: O'Rand, 1996; O'Rand & Henretta, 1999) and health (Ferraro & Kelley-Moore, in press; Ross & Wu, 1996) inequality. 1. More formally, cumulative advantage/disadvantage can be defined as the systemic tendency for interindividual divergence in a given characteristic (e.g., money, health, or status) with the passage of time. That as one ages they are disadvantage by their current lifestyle choices. Thus, CAD theory offers a systematic life-course component to the general understanding of education and work as comprising institutionalized systems through which class and gender inequalities are systematically and relentlessly reproduced, and through which success and failure are created (e.g., Willis, 1977). b. In this section, I consider two examples of such theorizing—psychosocial accentuation and human capital theory. Many argue that racial discrimination has been highly important in determining residential location patterns (Massey and Denton, 1993). For gerontologists, a review of the connections between CAD and other theoretical paradigms may be useful in the formulation of research questions and strategies. Wolff's (2003) recent analysis of the adverse wealth (pension accumulation) effects for many workers of the shift from defined benefits to defined contributions is an example of research documenting the relevance of these trends. This finding is at least consistent with a theory of cumulative discrimination (although there may be other explanations as well). Antikainen, A., Houtsonen, J., Kauppila, J., Komonen, K., Koski, L., Kayhko, M. Bass, S. A., Kutza, E. A., Torres-Gil, F. M., (Eds.). Psychosocial processes such as accentuation also require attention. People who experience high levels of stress may perceive more discrimination or may misattribute nondiscriminatory behavior to discrimination, overestimating the effect. The idea of.cumulative disadvantage draws on a dynamic conceptualization of social control over the life course, integrated with the one theoretical perspective in criminology that is inherently develop- mental in nature-labeling theory. (1996) review the evidence from studies examining socioeconomic status and racial disparities in health outcomes (e.g., infant mortality, hypertension, and substance abuse). This paucity of research makes it difficult to trace the extent to which aggregate outcome differences may be influenced by past discriminatory incidents. Krieger (1999) notes that the basic strategy is to adjust for factors, such as socioeconomic status, that may explain the observed disparity, then infer discrimi-. Sacerdote did not examine black–white differences but assumed there were fewer cultural and institutional barriers between slaves and free blacks than there were between blacks and whites at the time. For example, Kanter's (1977) classic ethnography of life in a Fortune 500 company postulated a possible reframing of “fear of success” as “fear of visibility” resulting from “token” status—being a woman or minority in an all-male management team. In the previous section, we described three efforts to construct such models to describe dynamic processes within the criminal justice system, the health care system, and the labor market. They critiqued that cumulative advantage/disadvantage theory lacked the essential elements they considered necessary to be a theory (Ferraro et al., 2009). The social systems of organizations have powerful effects on the future life chances of individuals—whether students (e.g., Kerckhoff & Glennie, 1999), workers (e.g., Rosenbaum, 1984), or elders (e.g., Gubrium, 1976; Hazan, 1980). They refer to their model as a model of human capital externalities. Cumulative disadvantage theory anticipates childhood disadvantage to be consequential, but the conclusion may not always be that simple (Ferraro, Thorpe, and Wilkinson 2003). These data provide extensive information on family background, expectations, and psychological wellbeing, as well as detailed year-by-year information on employment, income sources, and living arrangements. Such questions received almost no serious attention. Indeed, these normative emphases of functionalism had encouraged an acceptance of disengagement theory and other organismic approaches to aging (Parsons, 1960), and they discouraged systematic examination of diversity and inequality, whether cultural, gender based, or socioeconomic (Dannefer, 1988b). It should be possible to estimate the approximate magnitude of more cumulative effects of discrimination through multiple regressions at different stages in a process. Williams and Collins (1995) and Lillie-Blanton et al. Standards of disparate treatment and disparate impact typically focus only on the current environment and give little weight to prior discriminatory behaviors and practices that affected earlier generations, other domains, or past experiences. Search the information of the editorial board members by name. nation on women’s labor market participation and outcomes. To the extent that it is a genuine empirical phenomenon, what is its source? A small but growing body of literature examines the somatic and mental health consequences of past exposure to racial discrimination (e.g., Mays et al., 1996; Williams and Williams-Morris, 2000). In the 15 years since the first publications that linked CAD with age (Dannefer, 1987, 1988a), it has come to be recognized for focusing attention on several important but neglected aspects of individual and cohort aging—looking beyond age-based generalizations to examine on the intracohort distribution of key characteristics, their trajectories over time, and the forces that produce them. Likewise, residential segregation and inadequate access to quality health care can result in higher infant mortality and morbidity. This study uses cumulative disadvantage theory to analyse the racial dimensions of home foreclosure activity across neighbourhoods in a Southern county. Discrimination in one generation that negatively affects health, economic opportunity, or wealth accumulation for a particular group may diminish opportunities for later generations. Williams et al. In this article, I have reviewed the contributions of research from several theoretical traditions that are relevant to the CAD perspective. Substantial research has shown that risky and maladaptive behaviors are strongly promoted in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty, many of which are themselves the products of continued racial segregation (Brooks-Gunn et al., 1997; Massey and Denton, 1993). One challenge of using this perspective is in separating out the effects of the social and historical contexts when examining how current behaviors affect future outcomes in a person’s life. They are more mathematically defined, with feedback effects modeled in precise ways. At that level, Merton argued, the same CAD process is functional, because it reflects an efficacious process and a positive result for the collective enterprise of scientific productivity. Similarly, in the labor market, discrimination in hiring or performance evaluations may affect outcomes (and even reinforce discrimination) in promotions and wage growth. You're looking at OpenBook, NAP.edu's online reading room since 1999. Cumulative Disadvantage Theory Feminist Theories Chapter Three- Demography • Dependency Ratio The number of adults 65 and over divided by the population ages 20 to 64, multiplied by 100. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide, This PDF is available to Subscribers Only. Using this framework, speculate on how one’s childhood and young adulthood might influence one’s economic and health status in old age. Using this framework, speculate on how one’s childhood and young adulthood might influence one’s economic and health status in old age. The fact that congruent patterns of increasing inequality over the life course (at least with respect to income) have been found by multiple researchers working in multiple traditions measuring cohorts from multiple decades suggests that this is, indeed, a quite stable phenomenon, at least in late modern societies. Sampson, Robert J, and John H Laub. However, their findings raise the question of where individual motivation is learned and suggest that family and school backgrounds might influence important behavioral characteristics that are fundamental to labor market performance. Without longitudinal data, progress on the measurement of cumulative discrimination or disadvantage will not be possible. Perspective on the presence and effects of exposure to risk and negative social interactions over time can be by! 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